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Standing on the Brink of the Chinese Century
By Charlie Cook
© National Journal
November 18, 2003

XIBAIPO, China -- Here in Hebei Province, the political maneuvering in Washington and the ups and downs of House, Senate, gubernatorial, and even presidential election campaigns somehow feel smaller and less consequential than they do at home.

While the question of who will win the 2004 American presidential race is fascinating even from this great distance, day-to-day American political posturing and developments take on a smaller and perhaps more life-size proportion. Even for a die-hard political junkie, major developments in, say, the Oklahoma and South Carolina Senate races seem a bit less earth-shaking when viewed from half a world away.

And the tremendous changes that are transforming China and the global economy seem more gripping when observed far from the minutiae of campaign developments back home. The contrasts within China are mind-boggling.

With its 1.2 billion people, China is like a very long train on which the locomotive and first few dozen cars have easily entered the 21st century and are just as modern as the United States and Western Europe. But on the endless train that is China, the caboose and much more than half of the cars are still crawling along through the 18th century, if indeed they have progressed that far.

In Beijing, a city of 15 million people, almost every other ear seems to have a cellphone attached to it. The city teems with just about every American food franchise short of Hooters -- not just the ubiquitous McDonalds, but Kentucky Fried Chicken, Kenny Rogers Roasters, Baskin-Robbins, and Dairy Queen. Even in the ancient Forbidden City, a very discreet Starbucks is tucked away.

The Oriental Plaza Mall is less than a mile from Tiananmen Square and closely resembles a large, upscale American mall, such as Tysons Corner or White Flint. Perhaps the biggest difference is that in the Oriental several car dealerships have mini-showrooms, each with a handful of cars on display and an automaker's branded paraphernalia for sale to the tens of thousands of shoppers passing by.

Auto sales have become a big business in the world's largest country. My 14-year-old son, David, salivated at the half-dozen Ferraris in what looked like a more traditional dealership parking lot in downtown Beijing. And BMW recently opened its first plant in China to manufacture cars for domestic Chinese consumption.

In many parts of Beijing, gigantic cranes loom in all directions. Construction is everywhere. And every day, thousands of Chinese move into the city to fill construction jobs as well as lower-level, service-sector jobs, though many apparently return home at harvest time to help the family bring in the crops.

Beijing, like so many other booming cities in Asia, is increasingly becoming "yuppiefied," although it has not yet become as brand-name-conscious as, say, Tokyo is today. But Asia hands predict that this too will change soon enough.

The Westernization of China is evident all around, as is the people's fascination with the United States. It's hard for an American to walk two blocks in Beijing without being stopped by some young man or woman.

These young Chinese aren't hawking wares or their bodies. They are just eager to try out the English language skills they learned in school. On my previous trip to China, a young Chinese tried to strike up an English conversation with me by asking, "Are you from California?"

I'm told that the English-speaking Chinese in China outnumber the English-speaking Americans in the United States. Even though the fluency of the Chinese who speak English varies widely, that's still an amazing statistic -- and an embarrassing one, given how little Chinese most Western visitors know.

But in this remote mountain village, some 600 miles southeast of Beijing, Western influences are much more muted. At the elementary school I visited, not one child in a third-grade class had ever met a "round-eye" -- a Westerner.

Dressed in bright-blue shirts with red, Boy Scout-style scarves around their necks, these children looked at their foreign visitors with amazement. Initially, they seemed almost fearful, but soon warmed up to us. The contrast between those earnest and extremely well-disciplined Chinese youngsters and the rambunctious kids in classrooms in the United States was amazing.

In this part of China, three generations of a family typically live together in a four-room stone or brick house. (Virtually nothing here is built of wood.) Most houses have two doorways opening onto a courtyard that is surrounded by a six-foot stone or concrete wall.

In the courtyard, chickens run loose, and a couple of pigs may be rooting around in a pen ringed by stones or dug into a hillside. Few houses have outside doors. Instead, residents hang blankets in the doorway and pull them aside for ventilation. Cooking is done over an open fire.

The only obvious sign that we weren't seeing a Chinese village of 200 years ago was that every house seemed to have a refrigerator, a television, and, up on the roof, a rusting satellite dish. Everyone seemed to live in the village and to farm nearby plots of land, some smaller than a putting green. The people cultivate every available flat or nearly flat arable patch, and on the houses' flat roofs, they spread corn to dry, still on the cob.

Although Mao Zedong had his headquarters near here when he led the Communist revolution against Chiang Kai-shek and the Nationalists in the late 1940s, political and economic events have largely passed this village by. Life today is little different from the way it was before Mao and Chiang were born.

One exception is that a degree of democratization is taking place on the local level. The vote count in a recent local election was posted on a large blackboard on a stone wall beside the village's main street. Also posted were an itemized account of official village expenditures and other community news.

Village elections here are held in three stages. First, villagers vote to select an elections committee to oversee the balloting. The second vote is to narrow the field of contenders for mayor from six to three. The third round of voting is a runoff to select one of the three to take office.

For Xibaipo's farmers, though, government doesn't seem terribly relevant, except for running the schools. The villagers raise chickens, cows, hogs, sheep, and goats, and they grow corn, wheat, and cabbage.

Certain crops and animals are raised for the family's consumption or for barter. Others are sold to distant state-owned stores or on the open market. The state-owned stores attempt to stabilize prices, which tend to fluctuate with production levels.

Except for the presence of televisions and refrigerators, life for today's villagers seems to differ little from what it was for their great-grandparents. And aside from souvenir stands for the tourists visiting Mao's old headquarters, there is not a store of any sort within perhaps 30 miles.

But now the village has a brand-new computer lab, built by UPS executives, including CEO Mike Eskew; a quartet of lawmakers; my son; and me. My trip to China was to speak to a conference that UPS holds each year for its key public-affairs people from the United States and 10 other countries. For the past five years, the conference has included building a computer lab or classroom in a rural, low-income area -- in Montana, Maryland, Mexico, or now, for a second time, in the Hebei Province of China.

We started at 7 o'clock one morning with only a concrete slab and two huge containers of building materials shipped from the United States. By 4 the next afternoon, a 28-by-30-foot computer lab, with 25 working, Internet-connected computers was ready to be dedicated.

The project had no prima donnas. The lawmakers, who participated thanks to the US Asia Foundation, all pitched in with gusto, as did their relatives. Rep. James Clyburn, D-S.C., had brought his daughter. Rep. Dennis Moore, D-Kan., Rep. John Shimkus, R-Ill., and Rep. Rob Simmons, R-Conn., all brought
their wives.

In this era of venomous partisanship on Capitol Hill, it was terrific to watch these members construct something together. Party lines, ideology, and seniority were cast aside; the lawmakers seemed to enjoy the chance to escape the confines of Washington and get to know one another better.

Congress would be a far better and more effective institution if every member had a chance to leave the country and engage in an activity like building a computer lab for poor people.

For UPS, the project was smart on several levels. Having won its first direct-landing routes into China within the last three years and knowing how highly the Chinese value friendships, UPS sought to demonstrate a commitment to China. The company also forged special relationships with several U.S. elected officials.

Perhaps the biggest reward for the hands-on builders, though, was the way the village children's faces lit up when they first walked through their school's new computer center. That lab literally opens a gateway from the village to the rest of the world.

As a matter of culture and history, the Chinese people don't ordinarily touch others, outside their own family. Simply shaking hands is relatively new and far from universal. Yet the opening of the computer lab produced hugs for the American builders.

China remains a country of enormous contradictions and potential for growth. The Chinese recently put their first astronaut into space, becoming only the third nation to do so and the first since the United States did it in 1961. Yet in the countryside, oxen pulling plows, tricycle mopeds carrying a live, trussed-up hog to market, and three-wheeled trucks looking at least 50 years old are commonplace.

One leaves China with the sense that the United States could become its friend or its enemy. With its vast human resources, once this massive country fully enters the 21st century, China will likely transform the era. We may soon be living in the Chinese Century.

 

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